Archive for March 5, 2008

President Rajapakse Has Got India On His Side

by Kusal Perera

[President Rajapaksa wirh Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh]

“What allows this government of President Rajapaksa to survive?” This question wasn’t asked one year ago, in the same tone and seriousness, it is asked today. Today, much has changed, locally and internationally in relevance to the Rajapaksa regime. Today, much has changed politically within the government and in the Opposition, within and without parliament. To whose advantage and to whose disadvantage are all these happening ? Very simply, to the advantage of the Rajapaksa regime and to the disadvantage of the people. To all people, in every part of the country. “How” and “why” would be questions that follow.

What ever different assessments there could be, at this very moment, President Rajapaksa is a stronger President than he was in 2007 year end. Today, President Rajapaksa has got the Indians on his side. Or rather, he was smart enough to compromise with the Indians, skinning away his history of being one among those who went against the Indo-SL Accord and thus against the 13th Amendment. He has conveniently forgotten that his SLFP joined the JVP in boycotting the Provincial Councils until Chandrika Kumaratunge came and turned them inside out on the ethnic issue. Today, President Rajapaksa had only to shed his history and grin at the 13th Amendment, for the Indians to say he should adopt the whole of it. President Rajapaksa thus stands for the full implementation of the 13th Amendment and also for total war against the LTTE. So the Indians are there behind him and they had him firmly committed on all that with the Indian NDTV and India Today coming to Colombo to record his full explanation.

This tactical move, though forced on the APRC with Indian advice, had given the Rajapaksa regime plenty of breathing space. It gives them the neighbourly big brother’s financial support and military aid. Economically, although life is in chaos with interest rates left very high and inflation around 26%, all essential consumer goods going up in prices, with only rhetoric about development programmes and the government taking absolutely no notice of heavy corruption that’s endemic by now, there still is some hope left for the government to survive economically with Indian economic inputs. A much needed prop to keep this government alive.

Above that, what President Rajapaksa achieved from this political deal is the Indian cover from international pressure. Let us not under estimate the importance of India in international politics. India got Bush who goes freaky over any nuclear talk to agree to their Nuclear project. That’s their importance now. India had a super delegation of Brits led by PM Gordon Brown and then French President Zarkowsky for its independence celebrations. British PM went on record telling the Indian media he would want India in the UN Security Council and that he would propose it himself. With India’s huge economic growth impact, it would be absurd to keep India out of international politics, was what Brown said. So, with that India on Rajapaksa’s side, one can be left assured there will not be much International pressure even on HR violations, beyond statements. It would therefore be interesting to note why Ban Ki Moon, sent his envoy Angela Kane to report on the workings of UN agencies here and not on charges regarding HR violations by the government, or both the government and the LTTE and why she left the country without meeting any of the Tamil and Muslim political leaders. Meanwhile, let’s also keep in mind that India kept its cool over human rights violations, even at the time when abductions, disappearances and extortions in Colombo were at a peak with Tamil business men of Indian origin falling victim. Therefore it would be worth the wait to see the international community in contact with Indian authorities, water down protests in the future.

From the Indian perspective, that always grudged and nudged when Sri Lanka moved out of its orbit and towards other power blocs, President Rajapaksa came as the best full option. This Rajapaksa regime with its “Dutugemunu dress and Andare antics”, is one of the most isolated regimes, internationally. Its deals with Pakistan and China though disliked by India, were “deals” and nothing political. At home, it’s a strong anti LTTE government, both politically and militarily. This combination of factors suited India to manipulate the Rajapaksa regime to fall in line with them. The cost being economic hand outs and a nod to continue with the war.

On the home front too, the Rajapaksa regime has gained politically. The JVP is in a dilemma they were never in since coming out from the jungles. They’ve misfired on their calculation of trapping Mahinda Rajapaksa as President to live within their draft of “Mahinda Chinthanaya”. Two years with this Rajapaksa regime, their “Chintanaya” has instead caught the JVP between “Stalin’s socialism and Dutugemunu’s nationalism”. Where could the JVP stand between the ever increasing CoL and the war cry ? With President Rajapaksa saying he would strengthen PC’s under the 13th Amendment, the JVP has been bowled out, being themselves present in the PCs. Thus once again their frantic call against Indian products in the local market. Unfortunately for them too, the JHU keeps backing the government, bifurcating the Sinhala ideology they shared together to push the war cry down the throats of Sinhala emotions. All that while undergoing a cultural blow up within the organisation that has divided the leadership into “going soft” and “hitting hard” against the Rajapaksa regime and living with a new lifestyle that’s more than comfortable. The JVP therefore would have to vote en bloc with the Rajapaksa regime in parliament on all crucial issues, though with a grumble.

All that becomes important political factors, when the main Opposition goes into political groaning in half sleep. That again is President Rajapaksa’s most precious gain. This regime in fact survives on the politics of a demoralised and confidence lacking Opposition UNP. The UNP does not know they should have a consistent political platform as the Opposition. Should they play into JVP politics, they are not necessary politically, for one JVP is enough without duplicates. Should they support the Rajapaksa regime that is corrupt, has no policy on anything but that to wage war, then it was in vain the whole UNP did not join the government with the “Karu group”. There was no necessity for Ranil W to meet the President just to say they would support the implementation of the 13th Amendment, which any way is law of the land and can not be opposed. It is also absurd now to tell the President the UNP does not reject the APRC totally, for then the UNP could have sat in the APRC when the APRC came with a “Majority Proposal” and could have demanded discussing that with the TNA too.

Such is the confusion in the UNP, the oldest publicly active political party, with a strong vote base in the South, despite election defeats. On the flip side of it, is a Sinhala polity that does not subscribe to chauvinism and ethnic divisions. The most extremist and ferocious Sinhala election campaign in our 60 year history that tested the pulse of the Sinhala polity, was that which brought the entire spectrum of Sinhala political parties and groups together to make Mahinda Rajapaksa President in 2005 November. Yet, with the Tamil vote un-polled, all what this extremist Sinhala campaign could muster from among Sinhala people was a mere 180,786 votes more than the UNP. The UNP don’t seem to understand that of the 4.9 million who voted for Mahinda Rajapaksa, all are not Sinhala chauvinists while the whole 4.7 million that voted for Ranil W, voted despite accusations of supporting the LTTE and for his strength in effecting a CFA.

Most miserably, what the UNP does not want to understand is that, this Sinhala “noise” we hear is only what organised political parties like the JVP and the JUH make with the backing of State media. They gained ground with the UNP falling into back seat of politics, confused over how they should face the defeat. The UNP failed to understand that their defeat at the Presidential elections was their own making, after shying away from taking the CFA and the “negotiations” to the people while in government, thus leaving the entire stage for the JVP, the JHU and President Chandrika Kumaratuge to play dirty politics with Sinhala chauvinism. In short, they do not even for this day understand that a political leadership has the important role of moulding the social psychology in leading the people. What the UNP instead is doing now is pacifying the social psychology the JVP and the JHU moulded and trying to adopt themselves to that Sinhala extremism. Not wanting to be an alternative leadership, President Rajapaksa takes political advantage and leaves the UNP politically redundant.

This reminds me of Michael Moore who still resides in the USA and still feels happy poli-bashing the all powerful President of the USA publicly calling Bush one among “Stupid White Men” who run the country. He takes time to advice the Opposition Democrats in his controversial book by the same name “Stupid White Men” and writes, “Meanwhile, to those Democratic Officials who want to survive the political carnage ahead, I have one piece of advice to you; Quit moonlighting for the competition. That’s my last bit of free advice to the party that sent nine boys from my high school to their graves in Vietnam. If you can’t clean up your act,—-you and the donkey you rode in on.”(p/230) What better advice than that for the “stupid chauvinist men” in the UNP ?

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Rasalingam Appropriate Candidate For Sinhala Knighthood

by Wakeley Paul

Mr. Rasalingam’s assumption that age has blessed him with a superior understanding of Sri Lankan politics should make him an appropriate candidate for a Sinhalese knighthood. He ignores the fact that Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan fought the British to secure the release of Sinhalese leaders who were incarcerated for allegedly generating the riots of that time. It was the same Sir Ponnambalam who urged the Sinhalese to develop fluency in their own language, as did my own grandfather, the leading surgeon Dr. S.C.Paul.

What then caused the conflict between the Tamil and Sinhalese leaders?

It was when the Sinhalese realized that with Universal franchise they could ignore their promise to create a seat for a Colombo Tamil that Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam realized that the Tamils had better fight for their own rights against Sinhalese political domination by creating the Tamil Congress.

Mr. Rasalingam actually has the audacity to justify the Citizenship Act and the Voting Rights Acts which disenfranchised over a million hardworking plantation workers who voted 8 out of 96 candidates in the first election. This insidious scheme by Senanayake [Rasalingam's hero] to increase Sinhalese representation in the Central Province seems to be lost on Mr. Rasalingam. The fact that the Privy Council, which is as vulnerable as any other institution, upheld it, does not give it God given sanctity.

Under Universal Franchise, the ethnic groups voted primarily on ethnic lines. The national unity that Mr. Rasalingam hallucinates about was restricted only to a segment of the population consisting of the English speaking upper classes.

Mr. Rasalingam who regards Mr. Senanayake as a great national leader forgets his crafty system of nationalizing land in the east in the national interest and populating these national ventures with armed Sinhalese thugs to own and make these Sinhalese agricultural havens, while the Tamils and Muslims were pushed away to more confined areas in the region. Does he justify this because it was the creation of Mr. Senanayake who he regards as the national hero whom unified the nation?

He ignores the harsh reality that despite the commitment of every party prior to Independence that Tamil and Sinhalese would be national languages, and despite strong leftist opposition to the Sinhala Only Act, it was passed with a vicious racial riot that shamed every decent Sinhalese. Does he also commend the tearing up of the BC PACT at the instigation of Buddhist monks supported by a woman Cabinet Minister whose lover was a prominent Buddhist monk?

His absurd assertion that the LTTE was the creation of Colombo 7 Tamils reveals an ignorance that is staggering. The LTTE was the product of Tamils mainly from the VVT. The Vaddukottai resolution (1976) was spearheaded by Tamil students in the North and East who were denied their right to equal access to the Universities. It was not the inner spark of Mr. Chelvanayakam, who unlike Mr. Rasalingam, donated most of his wealth and time despite an extensive private practice to safeguard Tamil rights.

Mr. Rasalingam concludes his diatribe with the question: “What is there to negotiate”? Has he read the Tamil propositions which the Sinhalese government which ousted the UNP rejected under Mr. Banadaranaike’s daughter?

Mr. Rasalingam should use his age to keep up with the times and recognize the realities that continue to cripple this nation both politically and economically. He should read Lee Kwan Yew’s brilliant analysis of Sri Lanka’s being drowned by ethnic disregard of all communities other than themselves by the Sinhalese. For his information, Lee Kwan Yew was one of the most brilliant products of Cambridge University who as Prime Minister, made Singapore a rich multi racial society, which the Sinhalese leaders lacked from the day they were freed by the British, to dominate everyone by the creation of the Unitary Constitution. Does he understand the inequity of the Unitary Constitution when he asks the arcane question “What is there to negotiate”?

(Wakeley Paul, B.A (Cantab). Law Cambridge University, England. L.L.M. Stanford Law School, California, Barrister at Law, Middle Temple, London, Attorney at Law, New Jersey, USA, Former Crown Counsel, Ceylon)

Related: Present Tamil Plight Mainly Due to Ultra-Nationalism of SJV

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Swarajya Concept Guarantees space to all citizens

by Arjuna Hulugalle

Dr Nihal Jayawickrama, the well known Political Scientist has once again reiterated that the minorities need space. In his talk “The Philosophy and Legitimacy of Sri Lanka’s Republican Constitution” at a workshop which was part of the programme organized by the Ministry of Constitutional Affairs to celebrate the centenary of the birth of Dr Colvin R de Silva, he repeated a statement he had made ten years ago:

“Constitution making becomes a meaningless exercise if it does not respond to the evolving aspirations of the people of this country. The voice of the minority communities in the north and east has been loud and clear in its support for genuine autonomy. They ask for space; space which they are entitled to as of right in this multicultural state of which they are an integral part; space in which to preserve their unique identities because identity is the central issue of being; space in which to keep alive their languages and their history, their legends and their stories. The identity of a community is inviolable. It is not enough to be who we are; we must also be seen and heard and respected for who we are. When that basic right is denied, by force or otherwise, peoples will struggle and fight to regain it. The space that a minority community seeks is not negotiable, and therefore ought not to be conditional upon, or indeed to await, a referendum or national consensus or even a cease-fire. The initiative rests with the government, and no all-party conferences or peace talks are required to do that which international law and commonsense demand.”

The format evolved by the Citizens Movement for Good Governance (CIMOGG) and the Swarajya Movement in the last five years meets in essence the vision of Dr Jayawickrama. The only deviation if at all is that CIMOGG/ Swarajya has not highlighted the divisions to majorities and minorities as emphasized by Dr Jayawickrama, who in this instance has restricted his attention primarily to the cause of the minorities. The CIMOGG/ Swarajya concept guarantees space to all the citizens in the country. Substantial safeguards have been built in to protect the minorities from Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim majoritarian abuses and discrimination wherever the minorities are living. This remains a fundamental right.

How does CIMOGG/Swarajya envisage that its proposal will make a difference? The infrastructure of governance recommended is to be built on the principles of Subsidiarity, Accountability and the Trusteeship of Power applicable to all the citizens in the country. The three principles can be defined as follows:

Subsidiarity: i.e. Decisions are made at the lowest level at which they can be made.

Accountability: i.e. Direct and continuing communication on all financial and policy matters to the people.

Trusteeship of Power: i.e. Representatives hold power in trust for the people.

Self-reliance, interdependency and the acceptance of diversity have to underline these concepts.

The CIMOGG/Swarajya infrastructure of governance is based on a strong and autonomous village government (the Gramarajya) merging into the Pradeshiyarajyas with substantial executive powers and then to the Districts (Districtrajya). The District becomes the focal point for devolution and autonomous action. The cantons in Switzerland are an example at work, where the periphery works with adequate autonomy but in tandem and close cooperation with the Central Government. For that, a formula to ensure Power sharing at the Centre is also needed.

Related: The Philosophy and Legitimacy of Sri Lanka’s Republican Constitution

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