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General Cyril Ranatunga VSV, rcds, psc, was the first General Officer Commanding the Joint Operations Command (JOC). He was given this appointment after he retired as Chief of Staff from the Sri Lanka Army. He went on to become the Secretary Defence.

General Ranatunga is of the opinion that the Indo Lanka Peace Accord was forced down Sri Lanka’s throat at a time when the then President, J.R. Jayewardene wanted no such thing. While the ongoing military operation at the time had to be called off due to the Accord, Gen. Ranatunga is confident that, had the operation continued, LTTE Leader Velupillai Prabhakaran would have been captured and the LTTE defeated.

In a wide ranging interview , Gen. Ranatunga spoke about how the forces were demoralised by stalling the operations. He also said President Premadasa should have let the IPKF finish the job it started, and how he opposed arms, ammunition and explosives being supplied to the LTTE by the government

By Keith Noyahr

Following are excerpts:

Q: As JOC Chief, you had advised President J.R. Jayewardene to stand by his commitment on the Draft Agreement of the Indo Lanka Accord. Minister Lalith Athulathmudali did not budge from his position. Do you think your advice was prudent?

A: In the first place, the Accord was not a thing that the President wanted at that stage. But, because of the pressures that were brought on him by the big neighbour, he had to give in. It all started with Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India, not seeing eye to eye with President Jayewardene. As a result, this unpleasant feeling prevailed between the two leaders and India was not giving in. That was how it all started.

Q: The military operation at that time had to be called off. Could you tell us the exact military situation at the time the operation was called off?

A: It was the Thennamarachchi Operation that was called off. I had successfully finished the Vadamarachchi Operation. We were very careful to protect the innocent people there. The whole of Vadamarachchi consists of the principal towns Thondamanarachchi, Velvettiturai (VVT) and Point Pedro. It was a densely populated area. We dropped leaflets and told the people to go into school buildings, churches, kovils, temples and other such places to secure themselves.
When fighting, these terrorists go into houses and push the inhabitants out. We finished Vadamarachchi and I had planned the whole operation, including Thennamarachchi. I had already started the operation from the Jaffna end and all troops were down in Thennamarachchi up to Jaffna.

Q: Is it correct that if the operation had continued, Velupillai Prabhakaran would have been captured?

A: That is absolutely correct. Prabhakaran, who was there at the start of the operation, had managed to escape to India.

Q: Did he slip out since there was disagreement among the service chiefs who insisted on pushing northwards while General Denzil Kobbekaduwa, who had wanted to push eastwards, eventually gave in?

A: Absolutely wrong. I take full responsibility for the plusses and the minuses of the entire operation. I am the one who planned the operation, of course with the three service commanders and the IGP. I was living in Jaffna throughout, long before the operation started. I did not go anywhere as I had to be on the spot to influence the battle.
When the battle starts, you can’t stay in Colombo in an air conditioned office and conduct operations in Jaffna. I am a firm believer of being with the troops and on the ground and that is how it all went. I was fully aware of what was going on. When the Thennamarachchi operation started, we had the airdrop.

Q: Didn’t General Kobbekaduwa complain to you that his plans were being disrupted by the then Army Commander, Cecil Waidyaratne?

A: That was subsequently, long after Vadamarachchci, when I was Defence Secretary. General Kobbekaduwa wanted to do various operations and the operations he was planning and doing were quite good. But the then Army Commander blocked him. As Defence Secretary I did not want to interfere even though I monitored the situation.
As Defence Secretary, it is not your business to go and put your finger in military operations on the ground. But when they started complaining, I couldn’t ignore them. I told the then JOC Chief, General Wanasinghe to sort out those matters.

Q: Two decades on, the LTTE is very much stronger, alive and fighting, despite being badly hit by the world’s fourth largest army and the Sri Lankan forces. Do you feel that the Tigers wriggle out of tight positions by settling for talks? Was it the same with the Accord?

A: Absolutely correct! But I don’t think that the Indo Lanka Accord was signed for that purpose. J.N. Dixit was the High Commissioner in Colombo. In his book, Assignment Sri Lanka, he says that if they had allowed the Sri Lankan Army to continue, there would have been no Tigers left, not even Prabhakaran himself.

Q: What was Jayewardene’s motive for agreeing to the induction of the IPKF? How did the military top brass react to such a move at that time?
A: Well, I was still in command at the JOC at that time. But it was a time of real international politics where we had no choice in the matter. The President rang me in Jaffna during the operations and spoke to me saying, ‘Please don’t do anything, the Indian Air Force is coming in now.’ The only thing I could not tell him was that I could not have done anything even if I had wanted to as they were coming in very powerful aircraft which escorted the normal planes that undertook the airdrop.

Q: What was the reaction of the other top military officers at that time?

A: They were naturally demoralised. That is to be expected, because when you undertake something, you want to continue it, and if you cannot, you become disappointed. Our chaps were in a real mood for victory. I was cautioned when I was going to undertake Vadamarachchi. I told them that was the reason why I was personally going with the troops.

Q: Could you name a few officers under your command who really excelled?

A: Denzil Kobbekaduwa and Vijay Wimalaratne. Then there was Gerry Silva who was sector commander when I walked in as JOC Chief, Asoka Jayawardena and Colonel Lucky Wijeratne…. Those are some of the names that strike me, as my memory permits.

Q: Wasn’t there an issue at that time where Wimalaratne was asked to spy on Kobbekaduwa by President Premadasa?
A: Absolute rubbish! We had absolutely no problem. When my book appears, the truth will be told unedited. It will, no doubt, hurt. I have been very happy and fortunate that there were no squabbles even though there were differences of opinion from time to time. There was no nonsense; I would not have tolerated any such thing.

Q: Hadn’t Wimalaratne himself told others that he respected Kobbekaduwa but there were the President’s orders?

A: I don’t think so. I know Denzil. I have known him from his school days, from the officer cadet days at Sandhurst and from staff college, and Denzil was in the armoured corps. Denzil was a fine soldier, a professional, and there were many people who were jealous of him. They used to say everything was being given to Denzil. There was no such thing. He was a real sportsman. I never saw any difference between Denzil and Vijay Wimalaratne. They were very good soldiers.

Q: Did he actually consider the option of taking to politics?

A: No. He was a good professional and politics was the last thing on his mind.

Q: President Premadasa ordered the IPKF out unceremoniously. Of course, he had a truck with the LTTE and he knew the new Indian Government was of the same mind. Do you think it was a correct decision – sending the IPKF packing?

A: I don’t think it was a correct decision at all because, you see, terrorism started here because the Tigers were trained, armed, housed and clothed in India where they had about 30 camps where the ex-servicemen of the armed forces trained these fellows. I am not trying to sling mud at India, but it is a fact. What happened at the end of it? They came and they burned their fingers.

After the IPKF came in, it should have been allowed to finish its job. We had a very good rapport with them; all senior officers came and met me personally in Jaffna. General A.S. Kalkat, General Depinder Singh, they have all come to my house and enjoyed meals with me. When you are professionals, you don’t have a problem, whether it is the Indian Army, British Army or Sri Lankan Army.

Q: Gen. Kalkat has said arms, ammunition and explosives were supplied to the LTTE by Lankan government agencies and safe havens were provided to Tiger cadres just outside the north eastern provincial boundary, outside IPKF writ. He said he discussed it at the JOC and a promise was made to investigate. What came out of it?

A: At that time, President Premadasa was the one who made the decisions. As you know, I was opposed to it. I went and told him personally that he didn’t have to give weapons to a terrorist organisation. But he said they would come back to normal life and they would contest elections. However, I told him it was my bounden duty to advise him and said, ‘Please don’t give weapons to a terrorist organisation.’

He didn’t tell me about it and even General Attygalle, who knew about it, said nothing to me. When I came to know about it, I rang the President at about five in the evening. He said, ‘Sorry I can’t see you tonight as I have given appointments until 10 in the night.’ Then I said, ‘Sir, can I see you at five tomorrow morning?’ and he agreed.
I was at Sucharitha at the appointed time, but he got angry with me for telling him not to do it. Finally, he said, ‘I did not ask your opinion.’ I was almost crying while returning home. I was hurt and I was very angry but there was nothing I could do.
There was a very good rapport between President Jayewardene and Premier Rajiv Gandhi. President Jayewrdene once told me to brief them and help them along as they hd come t help us. They were professional soldiers, and we had a good rapport.

Q: Going by what you have said, in effect, the LTTE was first armed by the Indian Government to fight the Sri Lankan forces and later given arms by the Sri Lankan Government to fight the Indian forces. It had also obtained money from the Indian Government and from two Sri Lankan governments, as alleged. What do you make of the LTTE playing one against the other?

A: I hate to say this, but the fact is, I raise my hats to the LTTE as it knows how to play one against the other and get the best for itself. It has done this throughout. Take, for example, the support it has received from the Tamil diaspora.

Q: From all that has been written and said, the security forces are capable of taking on the LTTE in its lair. However, the forces have still not been successful. Do you feel that the LTTE has been able to hold out for two decades owing to a number of factors, including a clash of generals and clash of service chiefs?

A: At the end of the day, what President Jayewardene did was to have a coordinating headquarters called the JOC, which I headed. The job of the JOC was to draw up plans and conduct operations. The JOC had nothing to do with recruitment and training. The three services had to recruit, train and provide advance training to their staff.
At JOC, the full time job was to draw up operations, plan them, coordinate them and execute them to produce results. Even today you have a similar arrangement with a chief of defence staff whose job has to be to plan operations and to be on the field to make sure they are implemented properly.

What I always say is that Colombo ought to be the rear headquarters; all headquarters, the JOC and the operational staff must be out in the operational areas. You can switch fronts as you can see what is happening on the ground. Compared to my times, the army is 10 times bigger. Once you have made up your mind, you have to do it. How they do it is their business.

[Courtesy:The Nation.lk]

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

India will be celebrating her 60th anniversary of Independence from the British on August 15th. Three weeks prior to that on July 25th Pratibha Patil was sworn in as the first woman President. of India.

[Pratibha Patil]

India’s new President was born on 19th December 1934 in the district of Jalgaon in what is now Maharashtra state. Her father was Narayana Rao Patil. She has an MA and LLB degree and practised as a lawyer before taking to active politics.

Pratibha married on July 7th 1965. Her husband is Dr. Devisingh Ramsingh Shekhawat who incidently is a Rajput from Rajasthan like her presidential rival Shekhawat. Her appearance of wearing a large vermillion “thilak” and draping the saree around her head like a veil conveys an impression that she is an old – fashioned conservative woman.

Quiet Feminist

But appearances are deceptive and Pratibha is a “quiet feminist” with an independent mind. She never adopted her husband’s name and has always been Pratibha Patil. She has a son and daughter.

Pratibha Patil was a member of the Maharashtra legislative assembly from 1962 to 1985.She was a deputy minister in the state administration from 1967 to 1972 and a full – fledged minister from 1972 to 1978. and again a minister from 1982 to 1985. She was opposition leader in Maharashtra from 1979 to 1980.

The present Central minister for Agriculture Sharad Pawar was chief minister then. Pawar’s wife’s name was also Pratibha. Once in a verbal duel Patil silenced Pawar by quipping” By now you should know what we Pratibhas are made of”.

She was elected to the Rajya Sabha (upper house) in 1985 and Lok Sabha (Lower house) in 1991. In 2001 she was appointed Governor of Rajasthan As Rajasthan Governor Pratibha made headlines in May 2006 when she refused to endorse the BJP’s controversial “freedom of Religion” Bill banning conversions.

Initially the Government was wrangling over a male to be made Presidential candidate. In a bid to break the deadlock the idea of a female candidate was welcomed. Pratibha had the most impressive CV of the short – listed 10 candidates.

She also fitted the Left party requirement that the choice should be “political” and of “stature” Her greatest qualification however was her consistent loyalty to the Congress and the Nehru – Gandhi dynasty. Just as Manmohan Singh was handpicked by Sonia Gandhi, Pratibha too was the personal choice of the de – facto “empress” of India.

The contest saw the presidential stakes sink to an all time low with the candidates being slandered and vilified. Pratibha herself was accused of corruption and nepotism. Some of these allegations were disproved.

Victory assured

Her victory however was a foregone conclusion given the power balance in Central Parliament and state legislatures. The Indian President is elected through an electoral college comprising MP at the centre and MLA, MLC’s at the state level. The value of votes differ according to the different levels.

When the result was out on July 21st it was found that Patil had got 65. 82 % with 2931 votes to Shekhawat’s 33. 18% with 1449. This amounted to 633, 116 for Patil and 331, 306 for Shekhawat in Electoral College value terms. This meant a 306, 810 majority in an electoral College total of One million and 98 thousand.

Pratibha Patil was sworn in as President on July 25th. She set another precedent by delivering her speech in both languages.She first spoke in English and then Hindi. Being the first woman president was a historic achievement.

Indian Presidency

The Indian Presidency unlike that of Countries like Sri Lanka, USA, Russia or France is not an executive Presidency. It is more of a ceremonial post like that of the Governor – General when Sri Lanka was Ceylon or that of the President before Junius Richard Jayewardene transformed it as an Executive President.

Even though titular the Indian head of state does have prestige and stature as the President of the world’s largest democracy. More interesting and important perhaps is the fact that the Indian presidency has evolved over the years as a symbol of that Country’s vast diversity and ethnic pluralism.

Despite various challenges from within and without India has remained strong and united. India has fourteen major national languages and over 250 minor languages and dialects. All the major religions of the world are found there. Its regions are widely disparate and unevenly developed. Moreover India is plagued by caste differences.

Fissiparous tendencies were galore in the early years of Independence. Many analysts predicted fragmentation within years. The Indian state and elite were so paranoid about divisive tendencies that they downplayed the “federalism ” of its Constitution and instead emphasised “on its unitary characteristics”.

Tamil Nadu and Tamil “Eelam”

Sri Lanka has only two premier languages, three major ethnicities and four chief religions. Sadly political muddling and lack of vision has led to disintegrating chaos and a destructive civil war.But “Mother” India was fortunate in having enlightened children to lead the nation.

The Nehruvian vision of accommodating diversity and forging unity in practical terms laid the groundwork for a strong, united India to emerge. Re- organizing states on a linguistic basis, secularism and co-operative federalism were the key elements that went into re – inventing modern India.

In Sri Lanka it was the opposite with Sinhala being imposed as sole official language, Buddhism being given foremost place and rabid opposition to any meaningful form of the federal idea. The end result of this process is now clearly and tragically visible.

In the early years of Independence it was Tamil Nadu (then known as Madras) state that had a flourishing separatist movement spearheaded by the “Dravda Munnetra Kazhagham”(DMK). Today the DMK shares power at the Centre as well as the state.

[Rajiv Gandhi with Dr M. G. Ramachandran and President R.Venkatraman at the unveiling of the statue of Poet Subramania Bharatiyar: Ramaswamy Venkataraman (born 1910) was the President of India between 1987 and 1992]

The DMK and its breakaway ADMK have been ruling Tamil Nadu since 1967. The DMK as well as ADMK have been at times members of coalition central cabinets. Currently there are twellve cabinet ministers from Tamil Nadu representing the DMK, PMK and Congress in the Central government

Contrast this with Sri Lanka where the Tamils of the North – East were well integrated as Ceylonese at the time of Independence. The Tamils did not demand “Pakistan” like Mohammed Ali Jinnah or “Dravida Nadu” like “Periyar” EV Ramswamy Naicker from the British.All they wanted was “balanced representation” between the Sinhala majority and the rest of the minority communities.

They did not even demand federalism then. When the federal demand was raised after Independence the newly formed Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) known as Federal Party was routed at the 1952 elections. Today the situation is different. Secessionism is the dominant demand of the Sri Lankan Tamils. An armed struggle is on to achieve it.

An important reason – if not the only one – for this contrasting state of affairs between India and Sri Lanka is the accommodative spirit displayed by Indian policy makers and administrators in celebrating diversity and practising pluralism. This spirit was absent among the dominant political class and bureaucracy in Sri Lanka.

Binding Together

It is said in lighter vein that the cohesive bonds keeping India together are the Indian civil service, Railways, Cricket, Hindi Cinema, English language and the Institution of Indian Presidency.

The “Rashtrapathy” though a ceremonial post has developed over the years into an institution symbolising pluralism and reflecting diversity.

This process has been strengthened not through legislation or litigation but through an interesting on going process of usage and convention. The spirit of accommodation has through practice forged a rough pattern in selecting Presidential candidates.

The idea has been that of giving recognition and representation to all of India’s diverse ethnicities, regions and religions. This unwritten procedure has more weight than written laws or rules.

The evolution and growth of the Indian presidency and the different strands of society reflected and recognized by that Institution is an interesting tale.

First President

After Independence, the first Indian to be Governor – General of the Dominion was C. Rajagopalschari or Rajaji. Meanwhile a Constituent assembly presided over By Dr. BR Ambedkar drafted India’s Republican Constitution. India became a Republic formally on Jan 26th 1950.

[Dr Rajendra Prasad (1884-1963)]

The first President was Rajendra Prasad. He was a Hindi speaker. Prasad was a man of great stature and a political personality on par with Jawarhalal Nehru. In the old days of “left” and “right” Prasad was a “rightist” and Nehru left of Centre.

With Prasad’s elevation to the Presidency a potential rival to Nehru was sidelined. This in a sense is reminiscent of DS Senanayake’s stratagem in persuading Sir Baron Jayatilleke to become Envoy to India.

Pratibha Patil is the 12th President of India. Actually she would have been the 13th but for Rajendra Prasad becoming President for a second term in 1957. He is the only President to have served for two terms.

South Indian President

In 1962 the eminent scholar and thinker Dr. S. Radhakrishnan became President. He was vice – president earlier. Radhakrishnan though a resident of Chennai was a Telugu by ethnicity. The South Indian Radhakrishnan was the President when Nehru died in 1964 and his successor Lal Bahadur Shastri passed away in 1966.

[Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (1888-1975)]

This was a trying time for India as the “giant” nehru was no more. There was that tricky question “After Nehru, Who?” looming large. But the Congress had the “kala Gandhi” Kamaraj Nadar president.

Kamaraj who was Chief Minister of Madras state from 1954 to 1963 had resigned his post due to a scheme he had devised himself. Known as the K. plan it entailed senior chief ministers and cabinet ministers resigning and doing grass roots party work

Thanks to Kamaraj’s “iron hand in velvet” approach and the active cooperation of Gulzarilal Nanda who served as caretaker prime minister on both occasions , Shastri and then Indira Gandhi became premiers. Radhakrishnan presided over this smooth transition of power in 1964 and 1966.

Muslim President

After Radhakrishnan another scholar and educationist Dr. Zakir Hussain became President in 1967. Needless to say he was a Muslim . A member of a regional and linguistic minority was followed by a member from a religious minority.

[Dr. Zakir Husain (1897-1969)]

The Prime Ministers up to that time were from the majority Hindi speaking Uttar Pradesh. But the Presidency was rotated to accommodate Minority members.

Zakir Hussain died in office in 1969. The Presidential stakes became a power struggle. On the one hand was the “old guard” party hierachy known as the “syndicate” while on the other was Indira Gandhi attempting to break free of those who had installed her in office.

The “syndicate” consisting of people like S. Nijalingappa, Kamaraj, SK Patil, Atulya Ghosh etc wanted the speaker N. Sanjiva Reddy to be President; Indira wanted the vice – president VV Giri to succeed Hussein.

The elections saw Indira calling upon Congress members to defy the party high command and vote for Giri. There was a third candidate C. Deshmukh fielded by Rajaji’s Swathantra party. Giri won. The Congress party split.

VV Giri a former High Commissioner to Sri Lanka was a Kannadiga from the Karnataka state. The Muslim Hussein was succeeded by a linguistic and regional minority member.

1974 saw Giri’s term of office ending. He was succeeded by Fakhruddhin Ali Ahmed a North Indian Muslim. He was a cabinet minister and Indira Gandhi loyalist. So India had a religious minority member as President again.

1977 saw Ali Ahmed passing away just as Zakhir Hussein. Meanwhile Indira Gandhi was defeated in the polls. A Janatha coalition was in power with Morarji Desai from Gujerat as Prime Minister.

Neelam Sanjiva Reddy was made President. He was the man defeated in 1969 by VV Giri. Reddy was a Telugu from Andhra Pradesh. Once again a regional and linguistic minority member was President.

Sikh President

Indira returned to power in 1980. In 1982 Giani Zail Singh was made President. He was a Sikh from Punjab and a devout loyalist of Indira Gandhi. So another religious minority community member was President.

[Giani Zail Singh (1916-1994)]

1987 saw the Vice – president R. Venkatraman succeeding Zail Singh. Venkatraman was a Tamil brahmin from Tamil Nadu and been a cabinet minister earlier. Thus a regional cum linguistic minority community members was President.

Rajiv Gandhi was killed in 1991. The new Congress government had PV Narasimha Rao as Prime Minister. Rao was from Andhra Pradesh. For the first time a South Indian was Prime Minister.

[Dr. Shankar Dayal Sharma (1918-1999)]

In 1992 it was time for Venkstraman to step down. His Vice – president was Shankar Dayal Sharma, a hindi speaking North Indian. With the PM being a South Indian, the North Indian Sharma became President.

The prevailing tradition of appointing minority community members was broken. But the Premier was South Indian. In 1966 another South Indian Deve Gowda from Karnataka became Premier.

[Kocheril Raman Narayanan (1921-2005)]

In 1997 KR Narayanan the vice – president succeeded Sharma. Narayana a former career dilplomat hailed from the South Indian state of Kerala. Once again a regional and linguistic minority community member as President.Now all four “dravidian” states had enjoyed stints as President.

Dalit President

Narayanan also set another precedent. He belonged to the so called low caste “Dalit” community. Thus after fifty years of Independence “casteist” India had a “Dalit” as President. Besides Narayanan also had “christian” links because of his wife and siblings who had conveted.

When Narayanan stepped down in 2002 the Bharatiya Janata party led coalition was in power. Jayalalitha Jayaram the actress turned politico was chief minister of Tamil Nadu. She proposed Abdul Kalam the famous nuclear scientist as President.

[Avul Pakir Jainulabdeen Abdul Kalam b. 15 Oct, 1931]

Kalam is a Tamil speaking Muslim from Rameshwaram in the South of Tamil Nadu.. Hussein and Ali Ahmed were Urdu speaking Muslims. Abdul Kalam was a celebrity in his own right as the scientist credited with India’s nuclear capability.

It made political sense for the Hindu rightist BJP regime to re- furbish image by making a Muslim the President. Jayalalitha was happy about a “Thamizhan” becoming President.

Tamil speaking Muslims in Tamil Nadu perceive themselves as Tamils observing Islam as a religion.They do not see themselves as separate from Tamil Hindus or Christians on account of their religion.

2007 was time for Abdul Kalam to end his term of office. The vice – president was Bhairon Singh Shekhawat a Rajput from Hindi – speaking Rajasthan. He was a former BJP Chief minister of Rajasthan.

The Congress did not want a BJP politician as President. So it selected Pratibha Patil who was then Governor of Rajasthan as the Govt candidate with the approval of its allies like the DMK and the Communist and Marxist parties. Shekhawat himself contested as an “independent” .

Woman President

The Presidential poll saw Pratibha Patil defeating her rival easily. Pratibha hails from Maharashtra state and is ethnically a Mahratta. Maharashtra is neither North nor South but in Central or West of India. The Mahrattas are a distinct entity speaking the Marati language.

Thus a a regional and linguistic minority community has become President again. More importantly she is the first woman to be elected as President of India. This is indeed a commendable milepost.

50 years of Independence saw a Dalit President of India. 60 years of Independence has seen the first woman president.

We see therefore, that India has through a deliberate process of selection ensured that members of the regional, religious and linguistic minorities are rotated as Presidents of India. In recent times caste and gender too have become relevant factors.This is an evolving tradition of recognizing the diversity and plurality that is India in a symbolic manner.

Majority Domination

Contrast this with Sri Lanka. In Sri Lanka all Prime Ministers and Presidents with a solitary exception have been from the “majority” Sinhala race, Buddhist Religion and Goigama caste. The only exception was Ranasinghe Premadasa who was a Sinhala Buddhist but not from the dominant Govi caste.

The first Ceylonese Governor – General in 1954 was Sir Oliver Goonetilleke a Sinhala Govi protestant Christian. In 1962 Sir Oliver was replaced by a Kandyan Radala William Gopallawa as G- G. Gopallawa again became President in 1972 after the Republican Constitution was promulgated.

In 1978 came the executive Presidency. Thereafter the Prime Minister post became relatively “powerless”. Even then it has been a Sinhala, Buddhist, Govigama preserve with the exception of Premadasa who shattered the glass ceilings of both the Premiership and Presidency.

CP de Silva was the only non – Govigama caste member who could have become Prime Minster in 1960. But the “party” preferred Sirima Ratwatte Bandaranaike from Balangoda to Charles Percival de Silva from Balapitiya.

If this is the plight of persons who are “Sinhala” and “Buddhist” but not “Govikula” what chances do the ethnic and religious minority community members have? None whatsoever. Lakshman Kadirgamar learnt a bitter lesson when Chandrika Kumaratunga wanted to make him Prime Minister.

Mahinda Rajapakse sabotaged it. But it was possible that Rajapakse may have made Kadirgamar Premier for “cosmetic” purposes at least after attaining the executive presidency. That however is irrelevant as the tigers killed Kadir before the Presidential elections itself.

The Speaker

Recent history shows that a healthy tradition of accommodating minority community members was partially evolving as far as the office of speaker was concerned. Sir Vaithilingam Duraiswamy was speaker of the State Council. Sinhala Catholics like Sir Albert Peiris, Shirley Corea, Hugh Fernando and Joseph Michael Perera have been speakers; So have Muslims like HM Ismail,Bakeer Markar, MH Mohammed .M. Sivasithamparam was deputy – speaker.

But what could have evolved as a tradition of accommodating diversity was impaired by the election of majority community members as speakers. Sir Francis Molamure, RS Pelpola, Stanley Tillekaratne, Anandatissa de Alwis, EL Senanayake, KB Ratnayake, Anura Bandaranaike and now WJM Lokubandara are all from the majority community. It may be recalled that Buddhist prelates pressured JR Jayewardena to replace Bakeer Markar with EL Senanayake

This then is the sad story of Sri Lanka where political power is entrenched with the Sinhala Buddhist majority that sees it almost as a divine right. Not only is there unwillingness to share power with the minorities but even symbolic recognition of the Island’s diversity and plurality seems impossible.

Of course we can always talk of the time when Sharvananda was Chief Justice, Shiva Pasupathy was Attorney – General and Rudra Rajasingham was Inspector – General of Police.

Core of the Crisis

It is this reluctance to share power even symbolically and the gross insensitivity of the ruling class to issues like this that lie at the core of the crisis in Sri Lanka. The unwillingness of the dominant group to share power is manifest in the election/appointment of the President and Prime Minister.

It is the celebration of diversity and the conscious effort to recognize plurality that lies at the core of India’s comparative success in crisis management. The tradition of rotating the Presidency among regional, religious, linguistic minorities is a healthy expression of that mindset.

The 8th death anniversary of Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam falls on Sunday:

By Prof. Bertram Bastiampillai

Neelan Tiruchelvam was removed in a dreadful tragic manner – when he was far too young and many fruitful years before him. He could have achieved so much more for the benefit of Sri Lankans, especially the disadvantaged and deprived Tamils, who were living in a depressed state in the island. However, whatever Neelan did during those relatively short years, not only benefited us but also redounded to the advantage and credit of all Sri Lankans including many of us here and elsewhere. It is this main characteristic which drove so many in the country and abroad to lament, bemoan, and suffer the anguish – caused by the irrational, sad and painful demise of Neelan.

Neelan was endowed with an enviable friendly disposition and freely and generously gave his advice, and indeed even assistance. It is surely remarkable that he extended his help not only literally and silently discounting the cost of his time and money. He never looked for gratitude or reciprocal service. This attitude and conduct of Neelan endeared him to one and all, and his loss was spoken of by so many throughout the years, long after he departed causing shock and distress.

As a student, Neelan was brilliant and inevitably a success, in illustrious educational institutions which he adored with his intelligence and diligence. Neelan’s parents were honored in society for their services in Sri Lanka and outside.

His father although a successful learned lawyer, sacrificed a profitable legal career to help his kinsmen and his people of the Tamil community via being a sagacious, outspoken and much sought after political representative. He was a close confidante and intimate counselor to the then leader of the Tamils, S.J.V. Chelvanayagam. Neelan’s mother was a devotee of carnatic music and was in her own right scholarly. She played an enthusiastic, energetic and constructive role in the International Association of Tamil Research founded by Rev. Father Thaninayagam. Enriched by the scholarship and learning of several professors and famous researchers in Tamil studies from universities and educational and research institutions throughout; the International Association of Tamil Research waxed strong with conferences of learning in Kuala Lumpur, Paris, Madurai and Jaffna. Punitham Tiruchelvam was an ardent and lively popular Tamil Research Institute personality.

Neelan hailing from such an erudite background performed brilliantly in the study of law and creditably earned a distinguished honour’s degree in the Bachelor of Laws at the university in Colombo. He could have become a prosperous and outstanding practitioner.

But as a versatile personality, Neelan in any case in spite of diverse interests, will be remembered for his leading and guiding role in the body he was architect and founder builder in the association helped established for legal consultations and practice.

However, at the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, he was again a designer and founder builder. To this day, it is an institution famed for its research work, library, reference works, seminars and conferences, talks by leading world renowned scholars and film screenings. The publications of the Centre are an invaluable erudite addition to research and learning in multifaceted ethnic affairs, knowledge, and are indispensable for students and profound advance researchers on issues-ethnic, sublime, arcane or simpler and practical. It is an educational institution, which unravels topical baffling issues related to ethnic and International affairs.

Neelan, although with a remarkable bent for learning, was never ostentatious or vain but humble and simple. Modest and friendly, he educated others by his informed discussion and enlightening comments. In his brief but busy life apart from every other activity, legal or scholarly, he devoted his intelligence, time, wisdom and energy towards a fertile political life. He was a wise politician in Parliament and took up the political defence of his compatriot Tamils as well as that of citizens of other communities too in Sri Lanka. His pronouncements were conceived and saliently centered on society’s well being.

Much value and rich comprehension flowed from Neelan that could better his community, and indeed all of Sri Lanka. His approach to the solution of life’s problems of citizens was pragmatic and reasoned cogently. As a politician, he eventually made many a sacrifice with his own life’s advancement, and sadly gained no real tangible return.

At my last meeting with him, Neelan made me understand that a threat to his precious life was lurking and indicated that he was to build up on his learning, knowledge and information at Harvard in a few weeks’ time. But alas, the good die young leaving others poorer, and that awful violence felled him. It takes time for the absent to take their true shape in our thoughts. After death, they take on a former outline and then cease to change, stated French novelist Colette. It is now that we miss and yearn for Neelan but in vain. Neelan bloomed and forever died. But we are not untouched.

The 8th death anniversary of Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam falls on July 29th. Dr. Gareth Evans, former Foreign Minister of Australia will deliver the Memorial Lecture at the BMICH tommorrow at 6.00 p.m. The title of his lecture is “The Limits of State Sovereignty: The Responsibility to Protect in the 21st Century.”

Related: Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam and the Tragedy of Tamils – by D.B.S. Jeyaraj

By Afreeha Jawad

Reflecting on the underlying theme of the Buddha’s teachings of an ” I ” less state ,one invariably begins to understand the significance of non-identity in order to arrive there. The world of social constructs cannot survive if not for a sense of identity which in a larger context makes no sense at all, for identity itself ceases to be in the elegance and finesse of Buddhist thought in arriving at the Nirvanic state. However, as man’s history is a constant quest for power, legitimizing myth, tradition, beliefs and customs was an essential pre-requisite. This then is not to disown all such for in its originality which bears qualitative grandeur. Even so, in contextualizing such in what comprises a higher purpose, its limitations are evident for it operates within the framework of the senses. For instance let’s take the custom of mutual respect – the idea of respect or otherwise is purely a matter of feeling and is very much into the state of ‘I’ – that ‘I’ exist which in the Nirvanic context is a non-entity.

Legitimizing social constructs

Legitimizing social constructs including what comes by way of myth is to consolidate the existence of power, communities and even individuals. All this and more crossed this writer’s mind when listening to brilliant historian Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri whose almost three hour delivery was a mental refreshner at the end of which the already half collapsed world of social constructs crumbled down in toto which perhaps is the aim of intellectual wonder. It made this writer understand how myths certainly come into or rather are brought in to legitimize almost anything and everything which is where the danger lies.

The nation state formation with its fixed boundaries, territorial integrity, sovereignty and what not have nothing to do with Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism giving rise to the importance of a secular state. The nation state characteristics itself have been brought in to legitimize such state formation. Myth and tradition among other things become twin partners in this legitimizing process. British historian Eric Hobsbawn even spoke of traditions being invented for religio/political identity.

In pre-nation state times of unfixed boundaries where national identity of territorial integrity and sovereignty was unheard of there was no need to legitimize existence. It was only in the 19th century that the term nation came in as a political community. When a nation is defined it becomes a spatial entity with groups of people residing in a geographical space who are sovereign. Thereafter they try to find the essence of their communities in the course of which myths come in to legitimize their existence.

Poetry for ethnocentricity

Dr. Ranjith couldn’t have said it any better for its reflection on areas outside myth itself. For instance the 19th century nation state formation also brought in the arts including poetry and literature that eulogised highly volatile ethno centric and nationalistic sentiment all of which was written and sung in the language of the majority community. The religion of the majority was also brought in – the irony being religion’s goal being differently oriented. Thus the collision of a spatial entity with that of what is sublime coming in the form of religion has apart from other things such as marginalization and exclusion even made the majority community come to cross roads with a religion that preaches detachment colliding with the attachment of worldly identity and increasing wants.

Getting back to Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri’s delivery on the myths and its legitimization, he even said it was introduced for purposes of political and religious identity.

‘The Bhikkhus at the time when the Mahavamsa was written in 6th Century AD had their own perceptions of political and religious identity. In this chronicle, the Bhikkhus legitimized their kings as warriors. He also said the Buddha’s visit or the Dutugemunu/Elara conflict were events that took place hundreds of centuries before the chronicle writings. “For instance the Buddha’s visit 12 centuries prior to the chronicle writing and the Elara/Dutugemunu conflict that took place 700 years before – now just imagine what sort of distortion could come in between that huge time gap?” he asked.

Thus he believes the Mahavamsa chronicle as being manipulated into much religio/political/social identity to uphold nationalistic and majoritarian tendencies.

Nationalism he believes is all about an imagined community. Making a distinction between the imagined community and the face to face one Dr. Ranjith said, “The defining feature is we don’t know many members of the community. I simply imagine they exist. It’s like this. I haven’t been to Ampara but I imagined the Sinhalese lived there. We dream of things we know. We imagine those coming from Mars like UFOs. We even draw these UFOs like we saw them.”

Imagined community

“The nation too is an imagined community. Once we believed these communities existed we have to legitimize it. The nation has spatial existence. Right now as I talk the Sinhala people exist within a geographical framework. This is not sufficient.

We have to give them a historical legitimacy – a temporal factor – a kind of historical evolution must be given to legitimize.”

“The Jews for instance were all over the world. But a strong tradition of theirs was a centuries old origin dating back even to the time of Moses – that they were the chosen people.

Elaborating all this at a personal level he said, “I can say I’m the best intellectual. Then I create a myth that legitimizes my present position. We go on creating stories that legitimize prevailing conditions. These myths not only legitimize these conditions but all practices as well inclusive of social/religious/cultural and economic. Myths legitimize communities, the clergy, a state dynasty organisations and all else.

Identity awareness

“The idea of identity came in as societies moved from the nomadic state into sedentary agriculturists. Identities intensified with the development of capitalism, big markets, revolutions that destroyed empires and brought in the nation which later became political identities. Nations in fact are political communities. The UN even defines nation as an entity that has a right to self determination. The nation being a political community defines its self in terms of political characteristics. Sovereignty and territorial integrity are all political concepts – part and parcel of identity.

This problem aggravates when geographical space comes in to accommodate that political community. Then sets in exclusion. The way we define Sri Lankan identity did not give opportunity for Tamils and Muslims to be included in it. Our official definition of what this Sri Lankan nation is does not end there. We further qualify Sri Lankanness. Take for instance the Sri Lankan national flag. How do non-Sinhalese view this? Are the Tamils as comfortable as the Sinhalese with this flag? Do the Tamils and Muslims get sufficient sense of being included?

Only the majority define who can determine what to give them. How is this lion symbol perceived by contending parties. Tigers versus lions – does the lion signify Sinhalese or Sri Lankans. Is being Sri Lankan inclusive of all communities or Sinhala exclusiveness. So there’s nothing Sri Lankan in the lion symbol. The two strips are therefore trivial. If this is the state of the national flag, discrimination on all fronts go without saying. We the majority first define the Tamils as a group of people who don’t have historical legitimacy as the Sinhalese. We don’t allow them to define their existence while we define ours. They feel they have a different history than what the Sinhalese believe is theirs. They create an identity which we don’t like.”

This brought to writer’s mind the mutual creation of identity followed by mutual hate of such identity – again the relative state sets in due to the onset of identity itself which when seen bereft of such emotional baggage leads us to sane and sublime thinking – namely sharing and caring. [Courtesy: Sunday Observer]

By Dushiyanthini Kanagasabapathipillai

‘Neo-Barrelism’, The Exhibition of Paintings and Installations by Chandraguptha Thenuwara was inaugurated on July 26 th 2007 at the Lionel Wendt Gallery. The exhibition will remain open till July 28th 2007. The viewing hours are from 10am to 7pm. The exhibition is organisd by Vibhavi Academy of Fine Arts (VAFA)

He paintings and installations depict the new ‘barrel’ era in Sri Lanka. He used newly established check points, one way traffic, no parking area, towing system to explain the current situation in Sri Lanka. Printed camouflage cloth, yellow paint and plastic gloves are used for paintings and installations.

The following is an abstract from Chandraguptha Thenuwara:

Incidents that took place within a very conducive environment in front of my own eyes about three decades ago are now transformed into acts of terror. In the early 1970s, I lived in Wellawatte. My aunt’s house and business were located, then as now, in front of the Royal Bakery at number 325, on Galle Road. As the weekend drew near, a certain important personage would come regularly to the express bus service stop in front of my aunt’s house. He would place his suitcase against the wall of the shop and use his long umbrella as a walking stick to lean on. We would often see him waiting for the bus in this way.

This important personage was none other than the late Wijeyananda Dahanayake. He would take bus No. 155 from opposite Sravasti, the state hostel for out of town MPs, and then get off at the bus stop in front of our house in order to transfer to the express bus for his home town, Galle. This is how he used to travel back home every weekend and every holiday.

He would take the bus to Galle. This was a man who was not only a member of Parliament, but someone who had been a Minister and had even held the post of Prime Minister for some time. He always wore a very simple national dress of a pale colour.

But what is happening today? When we are walking along a rod we suddenly hear the sound of sirens blowing; we see white gloved hands that belong to security officers riding in an armed vehicle waving us off the road, or at least to the die of the road. The way in which they provide secure travel for very important personages is as if they were transporting a person with an infectious disease, or a social canker, or a psychopathic murderer. Our lives have also been thrust into insecurity because of this situation.

Ashes that were disturbed by the killing of 13 soldiers in Jaffna on July 23, 1983 burst into the flames of an ethnic conflict that has raged from that ‘Black’ July up to the present moment.

Attempts to resolve the conflict through war and the use of force have failed. In November 1994 we embarked on a journey to resolve the conflict that had spread like a cancer, through dialogue and consensus- building that would lead to a political solution. We moved from peace talks to war to peace talks and finally arrived at a ceasefire agreement. The majority of the people in the south gave power to those who promised us peace with dignity.

We thought the ‘barrel era’ had come to an end. We hoped and prayed that we would never return to a ‘barrel era’. Sadly, those hopes lasted only for a few months. There was no peace achieved in three months. In fact we seemed to be sliding backwards on the path to peace. Each month, Emergency laws are extended. A secret war has become a part of our daily life. Lives are being destroyed every day. We have now entered an era in which the image of ‘Prabha’ suffices to protect the ‘prabhu’ (elite). There is only the matter of one letter between ‘Prabha’ and ‘prabhu’.

The country is moving very fast towards a very dangerous situation because of the interests of those who want to rouse racialism and who make money out of it. We cannot even freely walk on the streets any more. Barrels obstruct our paths as they did not so long ago. There are many newly established check points. Roads on which we could travel to and from now have arrows pointing one way only. These arrows determine the direction in which we as a people should travel. Stranding us on a road with one-way traffic, the city of Colombo has been turned into one big time bomb. In order to defend the ‘prabhu’, we must make sacrifices and we must undergo suffering. It is not only barrels that spread like wildfire through the city.

We also see more and more yellow barriers that deny us entry into certain areas, more and more signs that say ‘No parking’ and ‘Vehicles parked here will be towed away’. Is this the Sri Lanka that we dreamed of? We have our doubts. This is a new barrel era which is the expression of a new phase in national security.

We offer manel [1] flowers to war heroes and niyangala flowers to Eelam martyrs.

We have no words yet to describe the place we have reached today.

We thought the society that was built on flaming pyres of tyres had ended. We hoped that the era of the goni billa (informer) had gone forever. [2] Today the tyres are not in flames. Instead, they help the white van that is terrorizing our neighbourhoods to speed away. The numbers of decapitated bodies and bodies that have been disfigured beyond recognition are growing every day. Soon, the numbers of those who die may exceed the number of those who are left alive. We must cry a halt to this.

We were not born in order to live in fear, nor to live with threats to our life every day.

We are born, we learn, we become adults and enter society in order to contribute towards building a community of decent people, with the aspiration of living together with each other in peaceful and harmonious coexistence.

Where are we today?

[1] The blue manel flower is the national flower of Sri Lanka; the red niyangala is a poisonous flower

[2] In the years 1987-1989, Sri Lanka went through what is now described as a ‘Reign of Terror’ in which the sight of bodies burning on piles of tires and of hooded figures identifying those who would die were common experiences

VIP Convoy-Mixed Media, 2007

Nil Manel (Nympheae Stelleta)1,2 & 3 series-Oil on Canvass,3′*4′,2007

Nil Manel (Nympheae Stelleta) flowers are offered to fallen heroes of the Sri Lanka security forces, when paying tribute

Karthigai Poo (Gloriosa Lilly),(Niyangala)1,2,&3 series-Oil on Canvass,3′*4,2007

Karthigai Poo (Gloriosa Lilly),(Niyangala) flowers are offered to fallen martyrs of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, when paying tribute

“We all thought that the violent era has ended in Sri Lanka. But it continues. I have compared Nil Manel (Nympheae Stelleta) and Karthigai Poo (Gloriosa Lilly) (Niyangala), which are used by warring parties to pay tribute their soldiers and cadres” said Chandraguptha Thenuwara

Chandraguptha Thenuwara holds an exhibition annually during the month of July to commemorate Black July

Art lovers say that,this reminds them of more than two decades of conflict, which claimed more than 70,000 lives

Incomplete List of Killings from 25th Jult 1975 to 16th July 2007

Communities should live without terror or threat

Sunethra Bandaranaike views the exhibits

Camouflage # 1
Acrylic on Canvass, 3′*4, 2007

Camouflage # 2
Acrylic on printed camouflage cloth, 4′′*5′, 2007

Camouflage # 3
Acrylic on printed camouflage cloth, 4′*5′, 2007

Camouflage # 4
Acrylic on printed camouflage cloth, 4′*5′, 2007

Camouflage # 5
Acrylic on printed camouflage cloth, 4′*5′, 2007

Camouflage # 6
Acrylic on printed camouflage cloth, 4′*5′, 2007

Neo-Barrelism, Installation, Mixed Media, 30′*60′, 2007

[Courtesy:HumanityAshore.org]

by Shanthi Sachithanandam

“There is among the Ceylon Moors diverse opinion on this question in this house and throughout the country. Those who are living in the Sinhalese areas are definitely for the Bill. Some of them are most enthusiastic. But my own view is that, in the final analysis the choice for us is between two masters one of whom is not so hard a task-master…” – A.H. Macan Markar, MP Kalkudah electorate Speaking on the Sinhala Only Bill in 1956.

This was during the post colonial period. The Southern Muslim political leaders, who formed the mainstream of that community’s politics, did choose their master, whom they considered not so hard a task master; or rather, to put it in another way, the master who commanded most influence and was able to distribute privileges and positions. Eminent personalities like Razeek Fareed and Badiuddin Mohammed set the tone for the Southern Muslims’ participation within the UNP and the SLFP, the main parties of the South. They were amply rewarded with ministerial positions in every government. This trend continues to date where even the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), an independent party representing the Tamil speaking Eastern Muslims with ambitions for pan island leadership, in most cases end up in a coalition partnership with the ruling government, with ministerial portfolios thrown in.

It is significant that Macan Markar chose to describe the Sinhalese and the Tamils as some sort of Masters. The Muslims’ numerical strength, or rather the lack of it, seemed to play a large role in their perceptions of themselves. Indeed, we see this attitude colouring most political positions taken by the mainstream Muslim leadership. One cannot question one’s master; this relationship is always about bargaining for what one may receive; therefore, it is soft on the articulation of rights related to one’s own status, much less related to others who might be affected by the same Master. In fact, the hostility is directed more against those fellow servants than the Master himself, especially when they dare to demand their rights and displease the Master.

In 1938 Badiuddin Mohammed, speaking at a meeting organized by the Muslims of Galle, said; “If the Muslims learn Sinhala, all the misunderstandings between the Muslims and Sinhalese will disappear and peace and goodwill will flourish. Muslims did not get any benefit by accepting Tamil language; on the contrary it has been an obstacle for their progress…” It is alleged that he was the first Sri Lankan to demand Sinhala as the only official language as early as 1938. Thus, a political path was forged.

Today a crisis has loomed in the form of abductions of Muslim businessmen, which has forced the Muslim community to revisit this path. The government, naturally, is baffled. Only two Muslim businessmen were abducted! Why is the Muslim community raising hell for an incident which is in such a small scale that it might have been carried out by the under world, for all they know! Former Deputy Mayor Azath Sally has even exhorted the Muslims to rise against these terrorizing acts. It is not even like the cases of over 70 Tamil businessmen who have been abducted for huge ransoms. So, on one hand they sent Intelligence sleuths to ‘quiz’ Mr. Sally for two hours, while on the other hand hurriedly organizing a press conference to be conducted by Muslim Ministers. The Ministers were also provided with a brief on what should be said. This brief could easily have passed for a comedy script.

While Muslim businessmen have been lured to places like Kandy and Habarana to be locked up or taken away by force right in the face of the security forces manning the checkpoints in the streets, after millions of rupees have changed hands, and all this happening after hordes of Tamil businessmen have been abducted in a similar manner for over a year, Minister Amir Ali had this to say: – “Over 75,000 Muslims were evicted from the North during the UNP regime eighteen years ago. These persons are still in welfare centers in Puttalam and other areas but the opposition members did not utter a single word about it. (They are only making a noise for these few abductions.) The UNP was obviously envious of the President winning over the Muslim community and therefore is engaged in rumour mongering for petty political purposes.” They proclaimed that the President was merciful. This is what is meant by serving the master in true style. Even the SLMC leader tried to evade the issue by sending his deputy General Secretary to be part of the press conference team instead of attending it himself.

The Muslim community for its part had its logic worked out, simple and straightforward. If it were the underworld gangs which were involved in all the abductions, and if it was money they needed, then there are large numbers of Sinhala businessmen who have far more resources than the few hapless Tamil businessmen who were abducted. If so, why were the Sinhala businessmen spared? It is because some force was targeting Tamil businesses with the aim of destroying the economy of the Tamil community. This can only be a political force that controls State power, which represents the majority community of this country. Or, on the other hand, this can be the work of a gang which knows for sure that if they lay hands on the Tamils the security apparatus of the State will look away, allowing them to continue with impunity. Looked at either way, the conclusion was the same. A minority Nation is at peril, at the hands of the Sri Lankan State.

Now when the incidents of abductions of Tamil businessmen begin to dwindle, the spate of Muslim businessmen being abducted begin to rise. After the Tamils have been milked dry, they have laid hands on the Muslims. The Muslim community’s worst fears were beginning to be confirmed. Whether they learnt Sinhala or not, whether they were in the government or not, they will always remain, in the eyes of this State, a minority community. That is why it is not surprising that even before the authorities or the media can confirm definitely the numbers of abductions involved, several Muslim businessmen have apparently made moves to shift their businesses and families to countries such as Malaysia.

One of the abduction victims was reported to have said; “We had so much hope. We believed we have integrated so well into this community. We employ more Sinhalese than Muslims. But we are helpless. We know our complaints will never be entertained or investigated. So why bother?” This statement is significant in that he is unambiguously clear on his identity as a member of a minority community, and the fact that under a system which is governed by a chauvinist majoritarian ideology, this community has to always engage in defensive actions like ‘employing more Sinhalese than Muslims’.

We never hear Sinhala businessmen explain their position by saying that they employ more Tamils and Muslims than Sinhalese, do we? Only the minorities are required to legitimize their existence through extending that extra bit towards the majority community. Remember the statements by the managements of the Hatton National Bank, and the Maharajah Organization during their own crisis points, that they employ more Sinhalese than Tamils.

SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem was more explicit in his interview. “We must remember that (in the 1960s) certain political decisions deprived this country of some enterprising as well as hard working Tamils and Muslims of Indian origin who strengthened the economy of this country. Most of them fled this country as a result of oppressive legislation that was brought in to discriminate against them. This is the first time (since then) we now observe a similar situation where citizens of this country for the reason that they belong to the minority communities are having their economy targeted”

In the early twentieth century, the then Ceylon Muslims looked towards Turkey for their cultural, political and intellectual sustenance. Then, after the oil boom in the seventies and the emergence of the Arab states as an economic power in the Islamic world, they switched allegiance to Saudi Arabia. Now in most parts of this country, in terms of customs and especially attire, both male and female, they try to follow in the steps of the Gulf Arabs. Do we detect here a sense of uncertainty as to their own identity as a people who have as deep roots in this country as any other? A people who, by this time, should have evolved customs, rituals and cultural practices that reflect their special history and have a distinctively Sri Lankan Muslim character? Is that why they indulge in and seek shelter under patronage politics, as any ethnic group would do?

The Muslims in Sri Lanka are a Nation in their own right; they just have to claim it. Claiming that right means shedding the Master; adopting the discourse of individual and collective human rights rather than that of grievances and privileges; taking a stand on any issue of justice, rather than attempting to share the spoils of a divide. This is only possible when they grow confidant in their own history and cultural past, here in this country. This is their challenge.

[Courtesy: Montage]