Banda, Chelva and the Elusive Federal Idea

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

The federal idea is not a new concept to Sri Lanka. It is however a controversial theme in the Country and is viewed on both sides of the ethnic divide with great hostility.Sri Lankan “patriots” think the introduction of federalism will ultimately lead to division of the Country. Tamil Eelam “patriots” think federalism is a ruse to weaken nationalist aspirations for a separate state. The Muslims particularly from the North – East are worried about their place in a federal situation. Against this backdrop of contending insecurities, federalism has become the “F- word” in Lankan politics.

It is interesting to note that federalism as a form of governance was proposed in the pre – Independence period by Sinhala leaders. There were no takers for it among Tamils. Later Sinhala leaders began toying with the idea of greater de – centralisation. But post – independence developments saw the demand for federalism gaining support among Tamils. This resulted in Sinhala leaders losing enthusiasm for the F – word. Sunsequent events saw federalism becoming discredited among Tamils too as secessionism and armed struggle gained dominance.

[S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, G.G. Ponnambalam and
S.J.V. Chelvanayagam]

Those desiring a federal solution feel that unity is possible amidst diversity but those opposing it opine that only “unitary” will bring about unity. What the unitarists forget or ignore is that the Island’s current avatar as a single state was made possible only by the British colonialists. It was in 1832 that the British unified the Country into modern ceylon by forging together the Kandyan, low – Country, and maritime regions into one entity.The existing 32 administrative divisions were compressed into five provinces. Some decades later the five became nine provinces.

Even as the “new” nation began progressing towards self – government under British rule the necessity for some form of de- centralisation and/or devolution was felt. Both de – centralisation and devolution were used interchangeably. The first person of eminence to propose federalism for Ceylon was none other than Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike. The Oxford returned SWRD was of the view then that Ceylon should become a federation.

Ironically SWRD first made this proposal in Jaffna in 1926. The Youth Congress invited him for a lecture where young SWRD spoke on the topic “Federation as the only solution to our political problems”.Bandaranaike argued that regional autonomy was the ideal way to manage communal differences.The audience was neither impressed nor enamoured by the federalism pitch. The full lecture was later serialised in “The Morning Leader”. There were few takers for federalism and James. T. Rutnam wrote some articles in the same paper criticising SWRD’s proposal.SWRD however adhered to federalism while heading the progressive nationalist party .

While the Tamils treated federalism as politically untouchable another ethnic sub – group touted the F- word as a manthra in the twenties of the twentieth century. Kandyan Sinhala representives comprising mainly of the Radala elite were suspicious of a system where the numerically larger low – Country Sinhalese could swamp them. So they went before the Donoughmore Commission in 1927 and proposed a federal ceylon comprising three units. One for the Kandyan provinces , one for the Low – country provinces and one for the Tamil provinces of the North and East.

Even at that time the Tamils did not think of a federal north – east but argued for communal representation based on greater weightage for the Tamils. The Donoughmore commission rejected both federalism and communal representation. It was territorial representation and universal franchise.The pan – Sinhala board of ministers set up in 1936 saw Bandaranaike become local government minister.

As local govt minister SWRD moved away from federalism to de – centralisation.It must be noted that there was really no antipathy towards federalism then.It was more apathy and dis- interest. SWRD himself had great political ambition and sought to build up his base through the Sinhala maha sabha and through enhancing the local govt system.So he wanted to re-vamp the local govt system and provide greater autonomy through de- centralisation.

SWRD envisaged the province as the unit of greater local authority. He wanted to set up Provincial councils.The local government ministry’s executive committee released a report advocating more powers to to these proposed councils. In 1940 RSS gunawardena introduced a motion in the state council proposing the setting up of Provincial councils. The state council approved it but for some inexplicable reason SWRD did not proceed further and present a bill in the state council during its tenure.

Bandaranaike was local government minister in Independent Ceylon’s first cabinet under DS Senanayake.It is said that he tried to revive his provincial council formulation again as a means to bring government closer to the people. But his cabinet colleagues enjoying power as full – fledged ministers were reluctant to dilute or reduce their newly gained authority. So SWRD could not go through his plans. This was indeed a great pity because the envisaged provincial councils could have been set up without much problem then as the ethnic dimension was not prevalent then.

In 1951 Bandaranaike crossed over to the opposition and founded the Sri Lanka Freedom Pary (SLFP). Sadly SWRD saw a short – cut to power through pandering to communalism. The Sinhala only wave saw Bandaranaike becoming prime minister in 1956. In fairness to Bandaranaike he did try to incorporate provisions accommodating Tamil grievances in the Official languages bill. But the hardliners who brought him to power did not permit it. Likewise SWRD revived his pet project of regional autonomy by trying to set up up regional councils. Again his moves were aborted through hard- line opposition.

There was now a new political , phenomenon on the political horizon. The main Tamil party the All – Ceylon Tamil Congress had split and the splinter group had formed a new party. Earlier the Tamil Congress fought hard for a scheme of balanced representation popularly called “fifty – fifty”. This was rejected by the Soulbury Commission.

It is indeed noteworthy that the Tamil political leadership of the pre – Independence period had not campaigned for separation or federalism before the Commission. They had wanted a scheme where the minority community representation should be given weightage whereby the non – Sinhala communities together could counter- balance Sinhala domination.

One reason for the Tamil leadership not opting for federalism was due to the fact that it was essntially comprised of the Colombo based elite. With Tamils enjoying a larger proportion of prestigious professions, government jobs and commerce in Sinhala areas the dominant Tamil elite perceived the community as being “all – Island” rather than “regional”. Subsequent events proved how short – sighted this belief was.

GG Ponnambalam was leader of the Tamil Congress then. His deputy was SJV Chelvanayagam. GG as he was generally known was seen as a pragmatic politician by his supporters After full independence dawned Ponnambalam revised his approach. With balanced representation an impossibility GG now articulated the concept of “responsive cooperation”.

Ponnambalam opted to join the DS. Senanayake cabinet. The price he paid for that was the stigma of betraying the Up – Country Tamils who were deprived of citizenship and franchise by the UNP regime.. GGP became Industries and Fisheries minister and established many factories and fisheries harbours in the North – East.

But some of his deputies like Chelvanayagam, C. Vanniyasingham, EMV Naganathan and V. Navaratnam rebelled against Ponnambalam. They broke away and formed a new party. It was called the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) in Tamil. Its English translation should have been Ceylon Tamil State party but instead it was called Federal party (FP). The new party wanted an autonomous Tamil state comprising the Tamil dominated Northern and the Tamil – majority Eastern provinces within a united Ceylon.

The advent of the ITAK was a watershed in Ceylon politics as it was the first party to espouse the Federal idea as its main ideology and goal. Unlike SWRD who emphasised regional autonomy for good governance the FP wanted federalism to protect Tamil interests and achieve ethnic harmony. Unfortunately there was a hiatus between precept and practice. The federal idea as promoted by the ITAK was embroiled in controversy . It was mis – represented, mis – understood and therefore much maligned and much hated.

Initially the opposition to federalism came from the Tamil Congress itself. With the ITAK calling Ponnambalam a traitor for accepting a cabinet portfolio the Congressmen hit back by distorting the federal idea. Even before Sinhala politicians started distorting the meaning of federalism as secessionism the Tamil Congress did so. The Tamil voters were “terrorised” by the propaganda that federalism meant a break with the rest of the Country and that the Tamil businessmen and Govt servants in the South would have to return. “The Yarl Devi wont run that side of Elephant pass ” was ome such threat.

The ITAK wanted a federal union between the Tamil autonomous Tamil state and the residual Sinhala state. This demand too was ridiculed by GG Ponnambalam who pointed out that such union entailed consent by both parties. “Are the Sinhalese prepared for federalism” he queried. Doubts were also raised whether Eastern province Tamils, Muslims and Wanni Tamils were ready for federalism. The plantation Tamils and Tamil leftists too were not receptive. The Communist party later advocated regional autonomy.

The newly formed ITAK won only Trincomalee and Kopay in the 1952 parliamentary elections. Even there the personal popularity of Rajavarothayam and Vanniyasingham had more to do with victory than the federal idea. The Tamil votes had overwhelmingly rejected federalism at the polls. The idea of power sharing at the centre through holding cabinet portfolios seemed more lucrative than sharing power at the periphery through federalism.

The 1952 – 56 years saw a sea change in Sinhala and Tamil politics. The SLFP began raising the communal cry and advocating Sinhala as the sole official language. This in turn created insecurity in Tamil areas. The ITAK vowed to resist Sinhala imposition and began mobilising support. In this raucous atmosphere saner voices calling for parity of status like the LSSP were shouted down.

Interestingly the federal idea was downplayed by the ITAK during these years. It was the language issue that galvanised Tamil voters. The ITAK retained its demand for an autonmous state of both provinces but in practice did not emphasise it too much. Instead the ITAK projected an impression that it would not object to district based autonomus units being set up. In the fifties there were only three districts in the North and two in the East.

The present Jaffna and Kilinochchi districts formed the Jaffna district. Vavuniya and Mullaitheevu districts were one called Vavuniya. Mannar was the third. In the East the present Batticaloa and Amparai districts formed one Batticaloa district. Trincomalee was the other.

Chelvanayagam’s new approach was a recognition of regional and sub – national differences within the North – East. The district based units would lessen fears among non – Jaffna Tamils as well as the Muslims it was felt. The ITAK adopted an inclusive approach towards the Muslims by embracing them under the “Tamil speaking people” concept. The North – East was the traditional homelands of the Tamils and Muslims it was argued. If Sinhala became the sole official language the counterpoint to it would be the setting up of a Tamil “linguistic” region comprising North and East.

The 1956 election results saw an ethnic polarisation with the ITAK winning most seats in the Tamil areas and the MEP – SLFP – Bhasa Peramuna combine sweeping polls in the Sinhala areas. Political violence set in when Govt sponsored mobs assaulted Tamil Satyagrahis protesting the imposition of Sinhala as the only Official language. Violence also spread in the East where Tamil agriculturists were driven away from lands in newly set up irrigation schemes. This led to a situation where the ITAK re- asserted its demand for an autonomous region of both provinces.

Once again , in fairness to Bandaranaike, it must be said that he tried to resolve the political conflict by trying to address Tamil grievances. He promoted dialogue with the ITAK and tried to arrive at an understanding with Chelvanayagam. This included provisions for usage of Tamil language, preferential poilicies in land alienation and above a sceme to establish regional autonomy. For this Bandaranaike signed a pact with Chelvanayagam called the Banda – Chelva pact. Subsequently legislation to set up regional councils was introduced

Despite his good intentions Bandaranaike found it impossible to honour the pact in practice. The genie he had released from the bottle refused to go back in. The communal forces unleashed by SWRD in his bid for power became uncontrollable. Bandaranaike described by Tarzie Vitachi as “weak and vacillating” went back on his word in deference to the forces who installed him in power. Ultimately those forces destroyed him . The federal idea remained elusive and unattainable.

DBS Jeyaraj appreciates your responses on the federal idea.

DBS Jeyaraj can be contacted on: djeyaraj@federalidea.com

23 Comments »

  1. Anonymous said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 3:25 am

    With regard to Sri Lanka, British did not support the system of commuual representation but gave Srilankan a unitary constitution (Soulbury constitution)without the label ‘unitary’. However, the same British gave Cyprus a constitution based on communual representation – 70% for Greeks and 30% for Turks including veto power for the Turk Vice-President. Again this constitution is unitary and failed. Now the UN recommended a federal idea.

    I support the federal idea.initiated by DBSJ. Federalism is one of the political systems recommeded for conflict resolution. It is suitable for Sri Lanka. The parties in a federal system should have a genuine desire to safeguard the system. The federal system works in a democratic environment only.

    Federalism involves a ‘Union without unity’, a division of power between the centre and the constituent regions. A federal system has two system of governments – the centre and the regions – both exist on the basis of equality, both act directly on the people within their own spheres of authority and neither has powers to encroach on the authority of the other. The sovereignty in a federal system is divided between the two governments. In summary, powers of the three branches of a government namely – Executive, Legislative and Judiciary are divided between the centre and the constituent regions.

    A federal system requires a complete overhaul of the constitutional structure since the consent of all the regions is essential to enact it. A federal system, once established, is difficult to reverse. The amendment to the federal constitution requires the participation of the regions, thus removing the monopoly of the central government in the amendment process.

    I submitted a paper titled ‘Comparative Federal Models ? Belgium and Switzerland’ in Dec 2002 which is available in the internet sites including Daily News.

  2. Siva Bhaskaradas said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 3:45 am

    British gave Sri Lankans a unitary constitution (Soulbury) without the label ‘Unitary’. The same Bristish gave Cyprus in 1960 a constitution based on communual representation – 70% for Greeks and 30% for Turks including veto power jointly or separately for the Greek President and the Turk Vice President. However, this system failed because of the unitary structure. The UN reccomended a federal system for amalgamation of separated Greeks and Turks into one Cyprus nation.

    I support the federal idea initiated by DBSJ. Federalism is one of the mechanisms recommended by scholars for deeply divided socities like Sri Lankans.

    Federalism involves a ‘Union without unity’, a division of power between the centre and the constituent regions. A federal system has two system of governments – the centre and the regions – both exist on the basis of equality, both act directly on the people within their own spheres of authority and neither has powers to encroach on the authority of the other. The sovereignty in a federal system is divided between the two governments. In summary, a government has three branches namely Executive, Legislative and Judiciary, and the powers of these branches are divided between the centre and the constituent regions.

    A federal system requires a complete overhaul of the constitutional structure since the consent of all the regions is essential to enact it. A federal system, once established, is difficult to reverse. The amendment to the federal constitution requires the participation of the regions, thus removing the monopoly of the central government in the amendment process.

    The centre and the regions should have a genuine desire to safeguard the system, and the federal system works in a democratic environment only.

    I wrote a paper titled ‘Comparative Federal Models ? Belgium and Switzerland’ in Dec 2002 and this apper is available in internet sites including Daily News.

  3. A. Kandappah said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 2:46 am

    Semantics sometimes play a role in issues such as power-sharing in a contentious multi-racial background. The term “Federalism” – for one reason or the other – has become an unwelcome expression in the Sinhala psyche. But it is the political arrangement arising out of the Federal system of power-sharing that will be the instrument that may heal our deep wound. Mahinda Rajapakse, lately in particular, often invokes India as the source through which our solution should come. The JVP, the UNP, the SLFP and other parties mayl go along.

    The recalcitrant JHU and their fellow travellers PNM et al have to be won over. New Delhi appears to be moving towards a more pro-active role in the Sri Lankan issue – beginning last week where it is possible they will opt for an approach to greater cooperation with the Lankan government (including those related to military matters) provided GoSL will offer greater and more meaningful devolution to the Tamils. The Indians have their own notion of dealing about Lankan Tamil interests keeping the LTTE out momentarily.

    I suspect they will chose initially to upgrade the TNA. This strategm canl succeed only if (1) GoSL announces a time frame for massive infra-structural agricultural, industrial, fisheries and social development of the North and East (2) the merger of the North-East which Rajapakse seems to have re-assured the Indian PM in Havana (3) India and the IC (EU, Japan, USA et al) to provide funds for the purpose whose flow for N-E development should preferably be outside the control of the SL Parliament (4) Rajapake to bring his reluctant extreme fringe overboard (5) Parliamentary Electoral Reforms to ensure the number of seats now enjoyed by the Tamil parties in the North-East and 15 to Plantation Tamils plus 3 for their women proportionate to the 1.5-2 million of their population (Southern Muslim parties also need to be satisfied here)
    in a Parliament not exceeding 225 on the 140:70:15 basis.

    Cabinet representation should be reflective of the ethnic composition of the country. The Delimitation Commission to be increased to 4 including an Indian Tamil member.

    There is a chance with strong and objective political leadership the country can be pulled out from the brink it has been gradually taken to by our polity or face the prospect of early economic, social and physical disintegration. The current anarchy and breakdown of the law and order machinery is symbolic of this for all – except to those voluntarily blind who refuse to see.

  4. Sahadevan said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 9:25 am

    Right now nobody is interested in a political settlement,both sides are heading for a showdown.International community as usual says no military solution and behind the back giving all the support to the govt to crush LTTE.Every day there are about 5 to 10 tamils perished in Sri lanka,if the current trend exists for couple of years then there will be no need for Sinhalese to table any solution.LTTE should realise this and take some bold step to find a solution.Tamil diaspora should realise that LTTE can’t win a out right victory over Sri lankan military.

  5. Suresh M said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 9:41 am

    I think it is high time for India, and (I.C) International Community should use ?S? word, as in Kosovo, East Timor, if Sri Lankan government, and Sinhala masses are not going to consider ?F? word as the alternative to the current unitary system.

    How many more generations of Tamil speaking minority is going to continue to suffer because of Sinhala mass?s imaginary fear of division of the country? I.C should give an ultimatum to Sri Lankan ruling elite to come up with a workable solution that is acceptable to the Tamil speaking minority

  6. Gloria Abraham said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 11:34 am

    I think DBSJ is very charitable towards SWRD Bandaranaike. He was the root cause for worsening ethnic relations. He was not merely weak and vacillating but far worse

  7. KK Nathan said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 12:37 pm

    The SLFP then gave proposals under Banda – Chelva pact. The SLFP now gives proposals far lower than what B- C pact gave. After 50 years the SLFP has gone backwards

  8. Thillai. T.Thillaiambalam said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 1:41 pm

    Interesting article by DBS. My memories of old were renewed. KK Nathan says SLFP has gone backwards. How true! I remember SWRD saying often ” rivers do not flow backwards”. But SLFP now is trying to do so.

    A. Kandappah says Mahinda has given assurances to Manmohan Singh in Havana to rectify matters. Let us hope India makes him live up to his promise

  9. Bala said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 2:40 pm

    I did not know SWRD Bandaranaike proposed federalism first and Tamils rejected it then. This is very informative article by Mr. Jeyaraj. I hope DBS will continue writing like this and give us the history

  10. Pothry Gura said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 11:46 am

    This is indeed an informative and interesting article by Mr. Jeyaraj. I would request him to write more of this type and help trace the history of Constitutional reform in Sri Lanka

  11. YB said,

    June 9, 2007 @ 5:10 pm

    I am a Sinhalese born after SWRD. Thanks to Mr Jeyaraj’s this informative article I learnt much about the past political history. All what I have heard so far was mud slinging toward SWRD about his actions but no critic has ever mentioned about his genuine intensions. This is from both sides; Tamils blame because of his language policy and some Sinhalese blame blame because of their inferiority. However, I think it is time to stop this blame game and work collectively towards an objetive pragmatic solution.

    First of all I urge both sides to stop addressing general communities as part of this problem. We shouldn’t call Sinhalese masses, Buddhist majority or Tamils as majority critics labeled each community. The war is not between Sinhalese and Tamils or Buddhist and Hindus or any other ethnicity or religion. Majority Sinhalese are not responsible for a handful of stupid policy makers. Also, majority of Tamils are not responsible for handful of terrorists.

    Please don’t forget; while bloody war going on, lucrative businesses are owned and run by Tamils living in Colombo, Wellawatte, Dehiwala, Kollupitiya, Panchikawatte area. For example, go and see Chetti Vidiya, Panchikawatte, Kotahena areas. Consider most parts of the island. Kandy, Matale, Kurunegala. Who owns the majority of jewellery shops? I know there were problems to Tamils in 1983 but it was from handful of thugs. I have sheltered my Tamil friends to save them from those thugs. Therefore, don’t blame all Sinhalese. My question is now, is there any Sinhalese living in Jaffna? At least, are they allowed to live in peace near the border? Those critics must take an impartial view. Everone is too emotionally criticise this ongoing problem without due regard to each other. Let’s stop this blame game.

    As some of the critics mentioned above, there is no military solution to end this. The GoSL and LTTE both are with high egos and no one want to objectively look into a genuine acceptable and workable solution. It is the high time for LTTE and Tamil diaspora to realise that over 2 decades long war has achieved nothing so far, except killing innocent people, our younger generation who will be there to take over the country. I have noticed that one of the respondents above mendioned that GoSL will kill all Tamils so that if this prevailing situation continues there won’t be any need to put forward a solution on the table because no Tamil will be left. Why wouldn’t you ask this question from LTTE? Instead of the amount of money that LTTE has spent on this purposeless bloody war (including the LTTE supportive certain Tamil diaspora-not all Tamils), if they sincerely helped their area to be developed, they should have spent on building that area, North and East. If this had been done, by now, North and East alone would have been better than Singapore. As a Sri Lankan, I can be really proud of you and be fully supportive as a Sri Lankan although I am ethnically Sinhalese. I have no prejudice over a person’s background. Force LTTE to use their militarily innovative but destructive strategies for non violent non destructive purposes to develop the area.

    Those who are supporting LTTE for this stupid senseless war are not sending their children to the war front to kill themselves. Their children are enjoying the facilities in western world while the children of poor Tamils who can’t go overseas are killing themselves. Those poor people are the real refugees not the bunch of people who enjoyed the free education of the island and became professionals who are living in western world. Remember, those western countries will extended their arms to accpet you because you will not be a burden to them economically. But, it is not the same case for those poor people who walk through the jungle living under the trees. They will not have that generous access to those countries.

    In priciple, I also promote the provincial based federalism within a united country. No mergers. No separate states. Any community must be able to live, enjoy the freedom equally as a law abiding citizens and work any part of the country. The country should have strict anti descrimination laws. Eg. Australia, USA

  12. Canadian Tamil said,

    June 10, 2007 @ 3:08 am

    We still remember the hue and cry the southern politicians and media raised when Varather?s North East Provincial Govt. merely printed out its letter head with the name ?North East Provincial Government?. Tamil repatriates in Canada, who are familiar with the day to-day use of Municipal Govt., Provincial Govt. and Federal Govt. in their country, are well aware that India could not make Sinhalese accept the ?F? word solution. As late Suntharalingam MP had said the Sinhala democracy will go on cracking heads and counting heads. Only solution possible even from ashes is one ?ism? that is ?separatism?.

  13. Sahadevan said,

    June 10, 2007 @ 9:00 am

    Mr.YB,you must understand that LTTE was born in the 80s before that what happened,every peacefull nonviolent protest met by heavy handed armed forces,pacts were thrown in to garbage bin.Even look at the recent past Tsunami pact,so sinhalese will never offer a reasonable solution to this problem,yes there are good Sinhalese people but majority oppose.you mentioned about the business owned by tamils,Look at Jews more than 50% global economy controlled by them because they are smart.Mr.YB even now its not late yet if Mr. Rajapakse put forward a reasonable solution and change the constituion,Tamils will definitely take it and reject LTTE.

  14. leo said,

    June 11, 2007 @ 10:46 am

    I think for every challange or problem there is a solution. However the nature of the solution for the ethnic conflict changes with the passage of time. A Federal solution would have been feasible in the nineteen fifties.

    I am not sure whether we understand what fedrelism is in the first instance to propose that as a solution. So much blood has been spilt that only a third party imposed solution is possible now.

    I beleive he Indian model or the American model where each state is governed seperatly would be worth looking at.

  15. Siri said,

    June 11, 2007 @ 10:38 pm

    Re, businesses owned by tamils in SL M/r/s Sahadevan says “about the business owned by tamils,Look at Jews more than 50% global economy controlled by them because they are smart”.

    Perhaps Jaffna tamils are much smarter to be doing like that The 60m tamils in tamilnadu havent surely fared well in that context, though? Or is it something else; comments?

  16. Chandras said,

    June 12, 2007 @ 8:19 am

    Very Good article. I wish somebody could collect more details and evidences and publish a book on this.

  17. Metha said,

    June 13, 2007 @ 12:47 am

    Not only SWRD had the idea of Federal system, GG also had theis idea before. Because of (Thanthai Chelva) SJV, GG started to oppose this idea later. GG contributed in damaging this idea.
    If any one has the chance of seeing SUTHANTHIRAN paper published around Parliament Election time, can find the proof for GG had the idea of federalisam before.

  18. G. Ravichandran said,

    June 13, 2007 @ 11:42 am

    I tend to agree with Gloria. DBSJ is being too charitable towards SWRD Bandaranaike. SWRD dwelled in dangerous communal politics first …he let loose a monster which he could not control…and which eventually `consumed’ him.

    Federalism…I am not sure if it is now too late. It may have worked earlier…but now I am not sure. No politican..including Ranil Wickremasinghe has made any effort to sell this idea to the masses.

  19. Roopa Chetty said,

    June 16, 2007 @ 2:19 am

    Federal Idea is only illusive because of the third column among us and not because Sinhalese are racists or intransient . Time and again we have seen these self proclaimed all knowing Tamil third column paid for by numerous now famous anti-Tamil elements within and outside Sri-Lanka. Federalism would have been possible , if there was and is unity among the Tamils in Sri-Lanka and also everywhere else. .it is nothing new .. we find them everywhere among the Tamils and also among other cultures…well I used to wonder why…but no more.

  20. Roopa Chetty said,

    June 16, 2007 @ 2:50 am

    I can see the tendency here to keep talking until our death or to our death like the frogs during the monsoon seasons. SJV and his team has done more than enough to talk about Federalism when at least there was one Wilmot Perera , on Edmund Samarakodie , even NM Perera and Colvin R de Silva were sympathizers .. now there are no one and we are wasting time talking Federalism.

  21. Roopa Chetty said,

    June 16, 2007 @ 3:18 am

    YB, your question is meaningless

    My question is now, is there any Sinhalese living in Jaffna? At least, are they allowed to live in peace near the border? Those critics must take an impartial view. Everone is too emotionally criticise this ongoing problem without due regard to each other. Let’s stop this blame game.
    “While there is a lush country with rivers and good irrigable soil in the south , there are not many Sinhalese wishing to live in Jaffna, except the soldiers and a few Bhikkus in the Jaffna Vihara and Nagatheeba Vihara. We always had a bakery run by a Sinhala family in our village, they left because our village became empty due to Sinhala, Indian military occupation. same is true in other parts of the Jaffna peninsula. AFter 2002 Peace agreement , there were bus loads of Sinhalese visiting the north and enjoying meeting the Tamil people and expressing unity. Now , we have a new government or somewhat new government .. and we lost everything we gained after the 2002 peace agreement. As far as Banda and other leaders .. they all did whatever to become the PM.. that mattered more than the peace and harmony .. power is paramount national unity , forget it. Banda did propose Federalism in 1944..but then he grew inpatient and now those good ideals are expendable for the sake of power. SLFP and UNP are in a race of their own and wjat happens to Tamils is no concern and whatever their concern , Tamils become the victims. if you say the riots were by a small group, but the small group was led by a cabinet minister with an electoral list , while armed forces helping with kerosine and petrol for the Aamuthuru and his followers to lit the homes of the Tamils. please read the news around August 1983 by the returning tourists in UK, Germany, Norway and other places they wrote exactly what they saw now time has twisted a lot of facts. Many don’t even know what happened ..

    it is good DBSJ can write for them.

  22. Roopa Chetty said,

    June 16, 2007 @ 4:20 am

    So what is in stake for the Indians , Americans , the Europeans and the Japanese in our conflict. It is worth pondering and I do ponder and I find no logical explanation for their so called concern.

    So what is in stake for these international community ?. Think of it .. …..Is it a desire to encourage militarism in the less developed places , so that they can sell weapon systems ?. Should we even listen to these people who talk by day and sell weapons by night ?. Think about this

  23. Roopa Chetty said,

    June 17, 2007 @ 6:19 pm

    DBSJ, I was soaked in Federal politics and I can see all these alternates are doing to deflect the attention from our leaders. Alternates have a habit of alternating too.

RSS feed for comments on this post

Leave a Comment